Obama is not a progressiv
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Obama's Justice Department wants to codify a repulsive existing practice that allows federal agencies to deny Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests by falsely claiming that documents that do exist don't.
Genuine government transparency is fundamenta l to all Americans, which is why this twisted take on transparen cy has struck nerves across the political spectrum. Both the liberal ACLU and the conservati ve Judicial Watch oppose the warped proposal.
Justice already can legitimately deny FOIA requests to protect informatio n about ongoing investigat ions. But falsely claiming documents don't exist would discourage FOIA filers -- who'd have no way to know such claims were false -- from suing over rejected requests.
Yet court challenges will be Americans' best hope for ultimately derailing this attempt at disingenuous deception, should Justice implement it. Bolstering that hope, The Daily Caller reports, is a federal judge's ruling in a case involving FBI records: "Governmen t cannot, under any circumstan ce, affirmativ ely mislead the court."
Government must not "affirmatively mislead" the American people, either. Justice's bid to do so reveals Obama administra tion "transpare ncy" as the travesty it is. If not much more.
The Obama administration wants a new rule to the Freedom of Informatio n Act which would allow federal agencies to tell people requesting certain law-enforc ement or national security documents that records don’t exist – even when they do.
Aides say that the president's been spending "a lot of time talking about Obama 2.0," brainstorm ing with administra tion officials about the best way to revamp the strategies & goals of the White House.
And despite the predictions that Democrats may relinquish a large degree of legislatin g power, including perhaps control of the House & even Senate, Obama isn't thinking of the next two years as a period that'll be marked with the same obstructiv e nature from the GOP.
"It may be that regardless of what happens after this election, [Republicans] feel more responsibl e, either because they didn't do as well as they anticipate d, & so the strategy of just saying no to everything & sitting on the sidelines & throwing bombs didn't work for them," Obama says. "Or they did reasonably well, in which case the American people are going to be looking to them to offer serious proposals & work with me in a serious way."
Dick Durbin says Obama's post-election agenda "will have to be limited & focused on the things that are achievable and high priorities for the American people." Tom Daschle says Obama has to reach out more: "The keyword is inclusion. He's got to find ways to be inclusive. "
Obama has spent just $2.4 billion of the $50 billion he promised.
Obama will become a more effective leader in his second term, when there will be no need for him to tip-toe around independents and conservati ve democrats for future votes.
JUSTIN FRANK, M.D.: One is that in this country there is a long-standing hatred of dependency . Because of that, the appeal of self-relia nce, which was a term coined by RalphWaldo Emerson in the 1840s, is very great. Presidents Reagan and Bush, and other people, have found that that has struck a chord with many Americans -- the idea of self-relia nce. The concept of being like WoodyAllen and relying on an analyst is a misinterpr etation, in my view, of what analysis is and what it does, because analysis facilitate s self-relia nce. However, people feel that it causes and invites dependency . What it invites is for people to look at the dependency aspects that exist in all of us, because we were all once dependent on our parents for survival, really. I think that those things persist in the child parts of each of us, usually repressed.
The second thing about the range of responses to psychoanalysis, I think, is that everyone, including many psychoanal ysts, don’t like the idea that we have an unconsciou s. Freud’s discovery and assertion that there's mental life that is going on inside of each of us that we’re not aware of is a little bit disconcert ing, to say the least. I think that we have evidence of an unconsciou s, like we dream when we’re asleep. We know that we’re able to think when we’re asleep, in fact. We know that things go on mentally inside of us. But if we stop and really pay attention to those things and don’t dismiss them, I think it can cause a lot of anxiety and discomfort . People don’t want to look inside.
But to me, the world is as vast inside as it is outside. It's like looking at the atom, and you start looking through an electron microscope at all kinds of phenomena, and space, and things that are internal. I think that psychoanalysis is a tool for doing that psychologi cally.
QUESTION: A general question about the range of emotions that Americans have toward the whole issue of psychoanalKEEP READINGysis -- what might be considered psychologi cal impediment s, mental health, and so forth. On the one hand, there’s a stereotype we have -- the WoodyAllen -type figure who can never get enough of self-analy sis and psychoanal ysis, and is constantly monitoring himself. On the other hand, you have someone like Bush, who doesn't want any psychoanal ysis, isn’t interested in self-explo ration, not a wit, because he is "normal." He’s as solid as is the granite on his ranch in Crawford, Texas. As we know, a large segment of the American society has disdain for the concept of psychologi cal problems and they consider that a weakness. They don’t see the need for self-explo ration. People are what they are. They don’t look inward. They just look forward. What's your view of that range? Is it safe to say that’s the range of American views?
JUSTIN FRANK, M.D.: I think it’s very safe to say it. For me to really respond properly to your question would require another book, because it’s such a good question and so important, and so many ways to think about it. So maybe a couple of thoughts about it.
QUESTION: You're a psychiatrist and a psychoanal yst. What's the precedent and what are the limitation s of applying a psychoanal ytic model to a figure that you don’t know, a public figure?
JUSTIN FRANK, M.D.: There’s a long tradition of what’s called applied psychoanalysis. There’s an actual discipline of it. And what that is is the intense study of a historical figure or even of a fictional character in a novel, but an intense study of everything you can find when you can’t have that person in your consulting room, and then applying psychoanal ytic principles to an understand ing of their life history. One looks for patterns of behavior. One looks for congruenci es in their life story that you can begin to see from different sources. And with the case of Bush, or in studying any historical figure, one looks at their own writings and their own behavior that’s available to the public at large. The other thing that makes it very useful to be able to study someone like Bush is the tremendous number of press conference s and public appearance s that he’s made. There’s a lot of chance to observe him in public arenas.
The limitations, however, of doing it without knowing the person personally is that I don’t get to use a firsthand relationsh ip with the patient, which is really essential to a good psychoanal ysis. Also, I don’t get to use my own counter-tr ansference directly, meaning my feelings towards the patient that get evoked throughout the time of the sessions. I was concerned that I had built in antipathy towards Bush that I worried would make it much harder for me to do a balanced psychoanal ytic approach to him. So I was worried about being a prisoner of my counter-tr ansference , if you will.
That proved to be a very interesting experience intellectu ally and psychologi cally for me. As I got to know him better, and as I saw different pictures of him -- including a movie of his 2000 campaign made by Alexandra Pelosi, Nancy Pelosi’s daughter -- he became much more alive to me as an affable, charming person who really was good at making people feel happy, good, and well-cared -for. I learned a lot by watching him and getting to know him.
In terms of psychoanalysis, the classical approach of looking at transferen ce and counter-tr ansference was denied me. But the other side of it was that I had a tremendous amount of material to pay attention to. And there’s a long tradition of doing this in my field. Freud did it. The CIA has done psychoanal ytic studies or psychologi cal profiling of every foreign leader, with an attempt to help them understand how to negotiate with them, how to predict their responses.
Ditto for the head of his NationalEconomicCoun cil. Although appointing LarrySumme rs might have been a bit of a stretch, despite his yeoman work in destroying financial regulation —thus enriching his old boss RobertRubi n and helping cause the Crash of 2008—McCai n could easily have found a JackKemp-l ike Republican “supply-si der” who would have duplicated Summers’ signal achievemen t of expanding the deficit to the highest level since 1950 (though perhaps with a slightly higher percentage of tax cuts than the Obama stimulus). The economy would have continued to sputter along, with growth rates and joblessnes s levels little different from today’s, and possibly even worse.
But McCain’s election would have produced a major political difference: It would have increased Democratic clout in the House and Senate.
McCain would probably have approved a failed troop surge in Afghanistan, engaged in worldwide extrajudic ial assassinat ion, destabiliz ed nuclear-ar med Pakistan, failed to bring Israel’s BenjaminNe tanyahu to the negotiatin g table, expanded prosecutio n of whistle-bl owers, sought to expand executive branch power, failed to close Guantanamo , failed to act on climate change, pushed both nuclear energy and opened new areas to domestic oil drilling, failed to reform the financial sector enough to prevent another financial catastroph e, supported an extension of the BushTaxCuts for the rich, presided over a growing divide between rich and poor, and failed to lower the jobless rate.
Nothing reveals the true state of American politics today more, however, than the fact that has undertaken all of these actions and, even more significantly, left the Democratic Party far weaker than it would have been had McCain been elected. Few issues are more important than seeing behind the screen of a myth-makin g mass media, and understand ing what this demonstrat es about how power in America really works—and what needs to be done to change it.
The Senate approved free-trade deals between the U.S. and Colombia, Panama and South Korea on Wednesday, sending them to President Barack Obama for signature. The agreements are strongly backed by the White House and won approval in the House of Representatives earlier Wednesday. The Senate voted 66-33 on the Colombia agreement; 77-22 on the Panama deal; and 83-15 on the South Korea agreement.